Burning Spear News
Solving the Problems of the Revolution: The Advanced Detachment
Chairman Omali Yeshitela (center) is the greatest testament to the fact that the revolution did not die with the U.S. waged counterinsurgency against the Black Revolution of the '60s
[The following is an excerpt from the unedited first draft of the Political Report to the Party’s October 6-13 Seventh Congress. Titled, “The African People’s Socialist Party – Vanguard! Advanced Detachment of the African Revolution”, the Party’s Seventh Congress will occur in St. Louis, Missouri at the Uhuru House that is central to our new economic development program, “Black Power Blueprint.”
[Although I expect an earlier finish date, the Political Report must be presented to the entire Party membership by June 6, 2018. We will be presenting the entire Political Report in the pages of The Spear upon its completion.]
The thousands of Africans and others within the U.S. and worldwide who fell victim to bloody U.S. counterinsurgency actions are too numerous to recount here.
Thousands of unknown freedom fighters were massacred. Others fell victim to mass military roundups and were often tortured and imprisoned under cruel conditions within the U.S. and worldwide.
For more than 40 years since the defeat of the Black Revolution of the sixties, it has been the African People’s Socialist Party (APSP) that has been the organization to keep the struggle for total African liberation, unification and socialism alive.
It is we who have moved on an historical continuum from the last revolutionary period to the period of revolutionary resurgence that is symbolized by our seventh Congress occurring in St. Louis, Missouri.
Our political trek began with the founding of the APSP; an act which in and of itself would raise our struggle to a higher level, even as the U.S. government was confident of its success in destroying it.
With the development of the Party, we opened up new fronts of struggle throughout the African world.
We also created mass organizations that made it unnecessary for the Party to abandon our revolutionary trajectory in order to win non-revolutionary masses to the revolutionary politics and leadership of the Party.
Politically, we initiated various campaigns and relationships to defeat the U.S. counterinsurgency and protect and advance the interests of the African working class that had suffered the brunt of the defeat of our revolutionary movement.
We created the International People’s Democratic Uhuru Movement (InPDUM) that had as its primary mission─the exposure and defeat of the U.S. counterinsurgency.
Later, we also played a substantial role in organizing the Black is Back Coalition for Social Justice, Peace and Reparations (BiBC); a key move that helped to unite some of the most advanced forces within the anti-colonial movement within current borders of the U.S. and among many Congo-born African expatriates in Europe.
Philosophically, our Party opened up a major offensive against outdated, failed philosophical worldviews and vigorously advanced ideological struggles against the hostile worldview of the colonial oppressor class and its devotees within our colonized community.
We made major, determined struggles against philosophical idealism. This included incessant ideological war against the definition of our struggle as being against “racism,” which can only be an effort to perfect the system of oppression by changing the minds of white colonial oppressors.
This has also included an ideological offensive against religious obscurantism and various expressions of mysticism and the notion that our liberation will result from the speeches by some individual genius or the discovery of secret documents that, once received would automatically confer freedom upon our people.
We solved the problem that had gone unaddressed since the U.S. government’s effective destruction of the Garvey movement in the early part of the last century.
Africans can be united globally once again under a single leadership with a single center. Like Garvey, we know that a liberated and united Africa can only occur under a single revolutionary organizational leadership.
The theory of African Internationalism, necessary for the success of our revolution, was developed sufficiently to provide an ongoing guide for our struggle in the wake of the demonstrated inadequacies of organized and practiced Marxism.
Comrades, it is the African People’s Socialist Party that actually developed scientific tactics and strategy for waging our anti-colonial struggle in the U.S. with principles that are applicable anywhere in the world!
For many years, we have even utilized the bourgeois colonial electoral system to advance the anti-colonial ideas and programs among the masses of Africans and others who are still locked into electoral politics as the only or primary method of permissible struggle.
The African People’s Socialist Party gave reality to the demand for reparations that had been talked about within our struggle for generations.
It was we who took the reparations demand out of the closets of purely legal and legislative approaches.
We are the organization that gave the reparations demand a mass and concrete character.
We deepened the theoretical and political basis for the demand and began the actual process of receiving reparations that made it a reality and not just wishful thinking.
When our Party began the work around reparations, the reparations movement was only considering reparations for African slavery.
It was we who recognized that the rate of exploitation of Africa and African people has grown greater since the formal end of legal slavery.
The existing reparations movement of today bears the imprint of the work of the advanced detachment of the African Working class and forcibly dispersed nation. It bears the imprint of the African People’s Socialist Party.
It was we who made the reparations demand a mass demand of our people.
We held reparations tribunals and protests throughout the African world.
In fact, most of the noted reparations activists of today gained prominence through a direct or indirect relationship to the reparations work of our Party.
Our understanding that the reparations demand is a function of the revolution allowed the Party to open a serious front among the colonizer population, winning thousands of “whites” to conscious participation in political and economic reparations work in the assault on white nationalist colonialism.
It is our Party that took the mystery out of the question of “white” people. We brought the definition of white people down to earth, destroying the myths of biological and religious determinism.
We declared loudly that white people are people and their behavior can be explained by a historical materialist analysis.
The APSP led major campaigns to recognize and free many of the political prisoners who fell during the counterinsurgency when imperialism was most determined to destroy any semblance of resistance.
Pitts and Lee, Al Courtney, Connie Tucker, Dessie Woods, Angela Davis, Huey P. Newton, Fleeta Drumgo, George Jackson, Sundiata Acoli, Assata Shakur, the San Quentin 6, Freddie Lee Roberts and our Chairman are some of the people we defended and sometimes freed when their arrests and imprisonment were being used to crush the revolution and the spirit of the people.
Who created the decades-old economic institutions to teach African anti-colonial self-reliance? It was we who developed Ujamaa Restaurant in St. Petersburg in 1972 and African Connections bookstore in Louisville, Kentucky in 1979.
In Gainesville, Florida we organized the first African-owned commercial newspaper as well as a bookstore and record shop.
Our seventh Congress convening at our latest Uhuru House in St. Louis, Missouri is simply a continuation of our history of leading by example.
We are practical revolutionaries. This is why we initiated the Black Power Blueprint surrounding a major project that is helping to transform the entire African colony of St. Louis.
Through our work we have renovated a 9,000 square foot building that was a community eyesore just a few months ago on a major thoroughfare.
It was a property, like so many in St. Louis, waiting to be added to the list of gentrified booty for the array of realtors and “investors” that perennially lurk in the background, working with financial institutions and government officials to undermine our community to a status of inhabitability by our people as a prelude for moving us out.
Instead, through the leadership of our Party and the office of Deputy Chair Ona Zene Yeshitela, we are advancing dynamic economic initiatives.
When we say that politics is concentrated economics and that the political and economic are one, we mean exactly what is being demonstrated in St. Louis.
Our anti-colonial demand for self-determination is the political expression of the independent anti-colonial economic activity reflected in the Black Power Blueprint and all the economic activity and institutions of our Party and movement.
The St. Louis Uhuru Bakery and Cafe is part of the Black Power Blueprint plan along with the intended workforce development program to train Africans who have been given felony convictions through the colonial prison system that are used to prevent training and employment.
These and an amazing array of other economic institutions are consistent with the Party’s drive to pursue our people’s ongoing nearly 600-year-old struggle against foreign and alien colonial domination by example.
We have been able to spread our theory and grow our political influence through the publication of our 50-year-old political Journal, The Burning Spear, read by thousands of Africans in colonies throughout the world and within the brutal colonial prison concentration camps.
Our Internet radio station, Uhuru Radio and the two Uhuru Movement F.M. radio stations, enhanced this work of anti-colonial socialist party propaganda.
We passed the resolution calling for the establishment of the African Socialist International at our first Congress in 1981, but our work to build the unity of the international African Liberation Movement preceded this Congress by many years.
We organized the first U.S.-based support committee for the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) that at the time in the early 1970s was engaged in armed struggle against the white settler regime of Rhodesia.
We also led much of the work of the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (PAC) during its early stages in the U.S., placing some staff in its New York United Nations office and sponsoring and escorting PAC leaders to many events in the U.S.
We spoke at the United Nations and participated in several demonstrations in support of the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania at the United Nations.
We are African Internationalists. We have always recognized the importance of uniting with all the peoples of the world in the fight to overturn the parasitic system of colonial-capitalism that has the world in its death grip.
We have always demonstrated practical unity with the people of Occupied Palestine in their righteous struggle to liberate their land and people from the illegitimate white settler-colony of Israel that functions as a forward military base of U.S. imperialism
Even before the success of Iranian national liberation from U.S. neo-colonialism in 1979, our Party had occupied picket lines and hosted forums and events designed to expose and fight back against the U.S.-nstalled and supported regime of Shah Reza Pahlavi.
We encountered violent mass white colonial opposition in the U.S. to our organized support of the Iranian people following the seizure of the U.S. embassy in Tehran by Iranian militants.
July 1979 was also the time of the successful defeat of the U.S.-supported Somoza regime in Nicaragua by the Sandinista National Liberation Front.
Without waiting for an invitation, the APSP organized the first public forum in support of the Sandinista-led revolution in the Northern California Bay Area, even before the flight and temporary escape of Somoza from his bunker in Managua.
In many ways we considered our Party as part of the U.S. front of the Sandinista movement.
In the 1970s, our Party also entered into a brief relationship with the Puerto Rican Socialist Party (PRSP). We participated with the PRSP in a mass anti-colonial mobilization in Philadelphia in 1976.
Shortly after the Party organized the first World Tribunal on Reparations for Black People in the U.S. in Brooklyn, New York, we were in Belfast, Ireland where we developed unity from the Irish Republican Socialist Party with our struggle for national liberation from U.S. colonialism.
`In Belfast, the Irish Republican Socialist Party organized a joint press conference with our Party to publicly announce support for our demand for reparations that also allowed our Party to denounce British colonial occupation of Northern Ireland and express our support for Irish resistance and revolutionary liberation.
In 1985(?), the Party entered into the enduring fraternal alliance with Union del Barrio, a most influential component of the Mexican National Liberation Movement.
Some of these relationships were formed during a time of extreme backward race nationalism within sectors of the U.S. based African National Liberation Movement.
It was a time when there was a common refrain that the international relations we were establishing were “white too” or that our movement could not establish alliances and relations with others until “we get ourselves together,” whatever that meant beyond a demand that the Africa working class remain isolated.